Thursday, 31 May 2012
Wednesday, 30 May 2012
Tuesday, 29 May 2012
Monday, 28 May 2012
Explosion shakes Kenyan capital
| AL Jazeera English Africa |
At least one person reported dead and 28 others injured after blast strikes building in Nairobi's commercial district.
Last Modified: 28 May 2012 14:14
|
The blast is the latest in a string of explosions to hit the capital since late 2010 [Reuters]
|
| A blast struck a shopping complex in Nairobi's business district, wounding more than two dozen people, but there was confusion over whether the explosion was caused by a bomb or electrical fault. Police Commissioner Mathew Iteere told reporters on Monday it was too early to determine the cause of the blast. He said blackened wires inside the trading centre indicated a possible electrical fault and ruled out a grenade attack. Two shopkeepers however, told the Reuters news agencies independently that they saw a man drop a bag inside the trading centre moments before the blast. "He came into the shop twice, looking at t-shirts. He said he didn't have money so he left. Then he came back," said Irene Wachira. "(He was) three shops away from where I was. He left a bag and a few moments later we had an explosion. The roof caved in and debris started falling on us," Wachira said. 'Terrorists' Television pictures on Monday showed a fire raging in a badly damaged building in Nairobi's commercial district. Al Jazeera’s Peter Greste, reporting from Nairobi, said "local TV showed pictures of a burning building with wounded people lying on the ground, possibly dead people". Prime Minister Raila Odinga said Kenyans would not be cowered by "terrorists", while a spokesman for Kenya Power, the country's sole electricity distributor, said initial investigations had ruled out any electrical malfunction. There has been a string of attacks in Nairobi and the port city of Mombasa blamed on Somali anti-government fighters and their sympathisers since Kenya sent troops into Somalia in October. |
Source:
Al Jazeera and agencies
|
Sunday, 27 May 2012
Saudi women to join national guards ‘soon’: official
Sunday, 27 May 2012
By AL ARABIYA
The Saudi newspaper, Okaz, quoted on Thursday Prince Abdullah saying that a new study had been submitted to recruit female soldiers in the Saudi National Guard.
The conservative kingdom which until now bans women from driving automobiles is being seen as gradually including women in various sectors.
Early 2012, the kingdom’s ministry of labor implemented a royal decree ordering that only women be employed as lingerie sales people. The decree was aimed at increasing the rate of Saudization and offer Saudi women more jobs.
Last year, women in the kingdom were given the right to vote and run in the next municipal elections, expected in four years. They were also given the right to be appointed to the kingdom’s consultative Shura Council.
Late 2010, Saudi Arabia’s passport directorate hired female civilians to check women’s identities and to help with services, both at a full time and part time basis.
In 2009, King Abdullah attempted to modernize judiciary, armed forces, and various ministries. He also appointed the country’s first female deputy minister.
Last year, women in the kingdom were given the right to vote and run in the next municipal elections, expected in four years. They were also given the right to be appointed to the kingdom’s consultative Shura Council.
Late 2010, Saudi Arabia’s passport directorate hired female civilians to check women’s identities and to help with services, both at a full time and part time basis.
In 2009, King Abdullah attempted to modernize judiciary, armed forces, and various ministries. He also appointed the country’s first female deputy minister.
Friday, 25 May 2012
Thursday, 24 May 2012
Tel Aviv race riot flags bitter immigration dispute
Thursday, 24 May 2012
A demonstration around Tel Aviv’s central bus station was
protesting against the rising number of Africans moving into the area.
(Reuters)
The latest unrest to sweep the impoverished neighborhoods around Tel Aviv’s central bus station erupted when a demonstration of around 1,000 people who were protesting against the rising number of Africans moving into the area, turned violent.
“Shock, violence and hatred of foreigners in Tel Aviv” was the headline in the Maariv daily, which described scenes of chaos as demonstrators went on the rampage with sticks and stones, attacking African-run shops and smashing up a car driven by two African men.
Most reports said the rally turned nasty after the crowd was whipped up by several racist speeches by right-wing MPs, several of them from the ruling Likud party of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
“The infiltrators are a cancer in our body,” Likud MP Miri Regev told the crowd, as fellow MP Danny Danon shouted: “The infiltrators must be expelled from Israel! Expulsion now!”
Police spokesman Micky Rosenfeld said 20 people had been arrested on suspicion of vandalizing shops and attacking cars driven by Africans, but added that there were no reports of anyone being injured.
The police have also extended the remand of seven Israeli minors accused of attacking African immigrants earlier this week, he said.
Interior ministry statistics show there are more than 60,000 African immigrants living illegally in Israel. Some are refugees fleeing persecution back home, while others are economic migrants.
The issue of illegal immigration from Africa has thrown into relief sharp divisions within Israel, with many top officials, including Netanyahu, warning that the growing number of “infiltrators” poses a major threat to the security and identity of the Jewish state.
There was no official response to the violence until late on Thursday when Netanyahu issued a statement promising to resolve “the problem of the infiltrators” by sending them back to their home countries in a process which he said would start “soon.”
“I want to make clear that there is no place for the statements nor the actions which we saw last night,” he said.
“I am saying this both to public figures as well as to residents of south Tel Aviv, whose pain I understand. We will resolve the problem and we will do it responsibly.”
President Shimon Peres said on Thursday night that “hating foreigners is against the foundations of Judaism.”
“I’m well aware of the difficulties encountered by south Tel Aviv residents and the harsh reality they have to deal with, but violence is not the solution to the problem,” he said in a statement released by his office.
And in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, hundreds took to the streets in anti-racism rallies.
Some 200 people carrying signs saying: “Racism is a cancer in the body of the Israeli nation,” “Enough to incitement” and “I am also a refugee” marched a short distance to the premier’s residence.
In Tel Aviv, a similar number of men and women strode through the city’s streets, starting near the central bus station.
The demonstrators had signs stating “we are all refugees” and “united against racism,” and chanted slogans against Netanyahu and other right-wing lawmakers.
But Interior Minister Eli Yishai, who has frequently tried to expel non-Jewish immigrants sparking accusations of racism, demanded that all Africans living illegally in Israel be put “behind bars.”
“We must put all these infiltrators behind bars in detention and holding centers, then send them home because they come and take work from Israelis,” he told army radio.
Unless the government took urgent action, there would “soon be half a million to a million, and we cannot lose our country to this,” he said.
Wednesday night’s violence made headlines in all the Israeli media, with army radio denouncing it as a “pogrom.”
Residents of south Tel Aviv accuse the immigrants of bringing a wave of theft and violent sex crimes to the area, and have expressed fury over what they see as government inaction.
In a move sure to further raise tensions, a Tel Aviv court on Thursday indicted two African migrants from Sudan and Eritrea on suspicion of raping a woman near the central bus station last week.
And last week, an Israeli was charged with arson after hurling Molotov cocktails at the homes of African migrants in a move reportedly connected to the arrest of three Eritreans in connection with another rape involving a 15-year-old Israeli girl.
In a bid to halt the influx, Israel has been building a 250-kilometer (155-mile) fence along the Egyptian border. It has also built a vast detention center near the border to house anyone caught crossing the frontier.
Brotherhood claims Mursi leading in landmark Egyptian presidential race
Friday, 25 May 2012
The Brotherhood said their candidate Mohamed Mursi was
leading by 30.8 percent after counting votes from more than half of the
voting centers. (Reuters)
The Muslim Brotherhood announced on Friday its candidate was
leading the early count in Egypt’s key presidential election that pitted
stability against the ideals of the uprising that ended Hosni Mubarak’s
rule.
“The results that have been announced indicate that our candidate Dr. Mohamed Morsi has an early lead based on the tally from polling stations whose data have been received so far,” according latest statement by the Muslim Brotherhood.
The Brotherhood said Mursi was leading by 30.8 percent after counting votes from more than half of the voting centers.
“The results that have been announced indicate that our candidate Dr. Mohamed Morsi has an early lead based on the tally from polling stations whose data have been received so far,” according latest statement by the Muslim Brotherhood.
The Brotherhood said Mursi was leading by 30.8 percent after counting votes from more than half of the voting centers.
“Dr. Muhammed Mursi continues to
lead in the presidential race after counting votes from 6,661 polling
centers, of a total 131,100 centers,” the statement added.
The Brotherhood said their candidate, Mursi, was followed by Ahmed Shafiq, Mubarak’s last prime minister, by 22.3 percent, and Nasserist politician Hamdeen Sabbahi in the third place.
Moderate Islamist candidate Abdel Moneim Abul Fotouh and former Arab League chief Amr Moussa, who repeatedly appeared as front runners in the opinion polls prior to the elections, came in the fourth and fifth place, consecutively winning 17 and 11 percent, according to Muslim Brotherhood statement.
Just hours after polling stations closed at 9:00 pm (1900 GMT) Thursday, Essam al-Erian, vice chairman of the Islamist group’s Freedom and Justice Party, told reporters, “I am confident that as first indications show, our candidate is leading.”
The powerful Brotherhood is sing their formidable nationwide network to tally votes.
The experience of waiting for an electoral result that has not been predetermined is a novel one for citizens of the Arab world’s most populous nation, where years of presidential votes always produced the same winner.
This time around, 50 million eligible voters were given the chance to choose between 12 candidates in a race that has been largely free of the violence and fraud that often marred elections before the January-February 2011 revolt.
Electoral commission officials said turnout was around 50 percent over the two days of voting on Wednesday and Thursday, with some voters queuing for hours to cast their ballot.
In schools and other institutions around the country, representatives from Egypt’s electoral commission carefully sorted the ballots, each printed with the name, photograph and electoral symbol of the candidates, into neat piles.
Official tallies are not scheduled to be announced until May 27.
The election seals a tumultuous military-led transition from autocratic rule marked by political upheaval and bloodshed, but which also witnessed democratic parliamentary elections that saw Islamist groups score a crushing victory.
The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, in power since Mubarak’s ouster, has vowed to restore civilian rule by the end of June, after a president is elected, but many fear its withdrawal from politics will be just an illusion.
The army, with its vast and opaque economic power, wants to keep its budget a secret by remaining exempt from parliamentary scrutiny, maintain control of military-related legislation and secure immunity from prosecution.
Mubarak, 84 and ailing, is being held in a military hospital on the outskirts of Cairo where he awaits the verdict of his murder trial on June 2.
The former strongman, ousted in a popular uprising last year, is accused of involvement in the killing of some 850 protesters during the uprising and of corruption.
The Brotherhood said their candidate, Mursi, was followed by Ahmed Shafiq, Mubarak’s last prime minister, by 22.3 percent, and Nasserist politician Hamdeen Sabbahi in the third place.
Moderate Islamist candidate Abdel Moneim Abul Fotouh and former Arab League chief Amr Moussa, who repeatedly appeared as front runners in the opinion polls prior to the elections, came in the fourth and fifth place, consecutively winning 17 and 11 percent, according to Muslim Brotherhood statement.
Just hours after polling stations closed at 9:00 pm (1900 GMT) Thursday, Essam al-Erian, vice chairman of the Islamist group’s Freedom and Justice Party, told reporters, “I am confident that as first indications show, our candidate is leading.”
The powerful Brotherhood is sing their formidable nationwide network to tally votes.
The experience of waiting for an electoral result that has not been predetermined is a novel one for citizens of the Arab world’s most populous nation, where years of presidential votes always produced the same winner.
This time around, 50 million eligible voters were given the chance to choose between 12 candidates in a race that has been largely free of the violence and fraud that often marred elections before the January-February 2011 revolt.
Electoral commission officials said turnout was around 50 percent over the two days of voting on Wednesday and Thursday, with some voters queuing for hours to cast their ballot.
In schools and other institutions around the country, representatives from Egypt’s electoral commission carefully sorted the ballots, each printed with the name, photograph and electoral symbol of the candidates, into neat piles.
Official tallies are not scheduled to be announced until May 27.
The election seals a tumultuous military-led transition from autocratic rule marked by political upheaval and bloodshed, but which also witnessed democratic parliamentary elections that saw Islamist groups score a crushing victory.
The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, in power since Mubarak’s ouster, has vowed to restore civilian rule by the end of June, after a president is elected, but many fear its withdrawal from politics will be just an illusion.
The army, with its vast and opaque economic power, wants to keep its budget a secret by remaining exempt from parliamentary scrutiny, maintain control of military-related legislation and secure immunity from prosecution.
Mubarak, 84 and ailing, is being held in a military hospital on the outskirts of Cairo where he awaits the verdict of his murder trial on June 2.
The former strongman, ousted in a popular uprising last year, is accused of involvement in the killing of some 850 protesters during the uprising and of corruption.
Egypt wraps up two-day landmark presidential polls, ballot count begins
Thursday, 24 May 2012
Officials count the ballots after the polls in Egypt’s landmark presidential election closed in Cairo. (Reuters)
Egypt wrapped up two days of polling Thursday in a landmark
presidential election that pitted stability against the ideals of the
uprising that ended Hosni Mubarak’s rule but the hard-fought contest
threatened to go to a runoff.
Polling stations closed at 9:00 p.m. (1900 GMT) after around 50 million eligible voters were called to cast their ballots in 13,000 polling stations around the country, electoral officials told Al Arabiya.
Votes are being counted at several polling stations across the country, Al Arabiya reported at the close of the polls.
If no one wins more than half the votes needed for outright victory in Wednesday and Thursday’s first round, the top two candidates will contest a June 16 and 17 run-off. Initial results may emerge well before Tuesday’s official announcement.
Polling stations closed at 9:00 p.m. (1900 GMT) after around 50 million eligible voters were called to cast their ballots in 13,000 polling stations around the country, electoral officials told Al Arabiya.
Votes are being counted at several polling stations across the country, Al Arabiya reported at the close of the polls.
If no one wins more than half the votes needed for outright victory in Wednesday and Thursday’s first round, the top two candidates will contest a June 16 and 17 run-off. Initial results may emerge well before Tuesday’s official announcement.
The ballot, the first since
Mubarak’s departure last year following a bloody uprising, included 12
candidates -- some drawn from the ranks of the Islamists, others
secularists and former members of Mubarak’s administrations. Many
millions voted in mostly peaceful balloting on Wednesday, officials
said, though turnout figures varied.
In a nation where all four presidents to have run the country during the past 60 years, including Mubarak, were drawn from the military, the vote that began on Wednesday afforded more than 50 million eligible voters a rare choice. Voting takes place in 13,000 polling stations nationwide.
Queues formed outside the voting centers after they opened at 8:00 a.m. (0600 GMT) with authorities declaring Thursday a holiday to allow public sector employees to cast their ballots.
“We used to consider the president a knight who could solve all our problems, but we have to look at what kind of system we want, not just the person we want,” said Ayman Saad, 26, his finger stained purple with indelible ink to show he had voted.
Turnout appeared to vary across the country, with long queues outside some polling stations, and scant participation in others.
The official body supervising the election estimated that around 50 percent of eligible voters cast their ballot.
Around 50 million voters were choosing among 12 candidates, with the front runners divided between Islamists who say they will champion the uprising’s goals and Mubarak-era ministers.
Among the contenders was former foreign minister and Arab League chief Amr Moussa, seen as an experienced politician and diplomat. But like Ahmed Shafiq, Mubarak’s last prime minister, he is accused of ties with the old regime.
The powerful Muslim Brotherhood’s candidate, Mohammed Mursi, faces competition from Abdel Moneim Abul Fotouh, a former member of the Islamist movement who portrays himself as a consensus choice with a wide range of support.
At a school in the upmarket Cairo neighborhood of Heliopolis, with the dome of Mubarak’s former presidential palace visible a few hundred meters (yards) away, hundreds of women braved the heat to stand in line to vote.
Noha Hamdy, 27, said it was a pleasant novelty to be voting in an election where the outcome is not predetermined.
“We go to an election not knowing who will win. I never voted before because the winner was always known in advance,” she said. “This time I feel who I vote for, even if he doesn’t win, will make a difference.”
The next president will inherit a struggling economy, deteriorating security and the challenge of uniting a nation divided by the uprising and its sometimes deadly aftermath, but his powers are yet to be defined by a new constitution.
“The big challenge for the president will be to attract foreign investors and boost tourism,” to “restore the balance of payments” and “restore the reserve” currency in the central bank, which has dropped by half in the past year, Mahmoud Abdel Fadil, a Cairo University economics professor, told AFP.
To do that, the new president will have to “reestablish political stability and assure a level of total security. Confidence must be restored,” he added.
The election seals a tumultuous military-led transition from autocratic rule marked by political upheaval and bloodshed, but which also witnessed democratic parliamentary elections that saw Islamist groups score a crushing victory.
Ballot boxes from Wednesday were kept overnight in the stations after being sealed with wax by election commission officials and left under military and police protection.
The ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, in power since Mubarak’s ouster, has vowed to restore civilian rule by the end of June, after a president is elected, but many fear its withdrawal from politics will be just an illusion.
The army, with its vast and opaque economic power, wants to keep its budget a secret by remaining exempt from parliamentary scrutiny, maintain control of military-related legislation and secure immunity from prosecution.
Mubarak, 84 and ailing, is being held in a military hospital on the outskirts of Cairo where he awaits the verdict of his murder trial on June 2.
The former strongman is accused of involvement in the killing of some 850 protesters during the uprising and of corruption.
In a nation where all four presidents to have run the country during the past 60 years, including Mubarak, were drawn from the military, the vote that began on Wednesday afforded more than 50 million eligible voters a rare choice. Voting takes place in 13,000 polling stations nationwide.
Queues formed outside the voting centers after they opened at 8:00 a.m. (0600 GMT) with authorities declaring Thursday a holiday to allow public sector employees to cast their ballots.
“We used to consider the president a knight who could solve all our problems, but we have to look at what kind of system we want, not just the person we want,” said Ayman Saad, 26, his finger stained purple with indelible ink to show he had voted.
Turnout appeared to vary across the country, with long queues outside some polling stations, and scant participation in others.
The official body supervising the election estimated that around 50 percent of eligible voters cast their ballot.
Around 50 million voters were choosing among 12 candidates, with the front runners divided between Islamists who say they will champion the uprising’s goals and Mubarak-era ministers.
Among the contenders was former foreign minister and Arab League chief Amr Moussa, seen as an experienced politician and diplomat. But like Ahmed Shafiq, Mubarak’s last prime minister, he is accused of ties with the old regime.
The powerful Muslim Brotherhood’s candidate, Mohammed Mursi, faces competition from Abdel Moneim Abul Fotouh, a former member of the Islamist movement who portrays himself as a consensus choice with a wide range of support.
At a school in the upmarket Cairo neighborhood of Heliopolis, with the dome of Mubarak’s former presidential palace visible a few hundred meters (yards) away, hundreds of women braved the heat to stand in line to vote.
Noha Hamdy, 27, said it was a pleasant novelty to be voting in an election where the outcome is not predetermined.
“We go to an election not knowing who will win. I never voted before because the winner was always known in advance,” she said. “This time I feel who I vote for, even if he doesn’t win, will make a difference.”
The next president will inherit a struggling economy, deteriorating security and the challenge of uniting a nation divided by the uprising and its sometimes deadly aftermath, but his powers are yet to be defined by a new constitution.
“The big challenge for the president will be to attract foreign investors and boost tourism,” to “restore the balance of payments” and “restore the reserve” currency in the central bank, which has dropped by half in the past year, Mahmoud Abdel Fadil, a Cairo University economics professor, told AFP.
To do that, the new president will have to “reestablish political stability and assure a level of total security. Confidence must be restored,” he added.
The election seals a tumultuous military-led transition from autocratic rule marked by political upheaval and bloodshed, but which also witnessed democratic parliamentary elections that saw Islamist groups score a crushing victory.
Ballot boxes from Wednesday were kept overnight in the stations after being sealed with wax by election commission officials and left under military and police protection.
The ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, in power since Mubarak’s ouster, has vowed to restore civilian rule by the end of June, after a president is elected, but many fear its withdrawal from politics will be just an illusion.
The army, with its vast and opaque economic power, wants to keep its budget a secret by remaining exempt from parliamentary scrutiny, maintain control of military-related legislation and secure immunity from prosecution.
Mubarak, 84 and ailing, is being held in a military hospital on the outskirts of Cairo where he awaits the verdict of his murder trial on June 2.
The former strongman is accused of involvement in the killing of some 850 protesters during the uprising and of corruption.
The Month of Rajab
By Mufti Taqi Usmani | cross-post from al-balagh.netRajab is the seventh month in the Islāmic lunar calendar. This month was regarded as one of the sacred months (Al-Ashhur-al-hurum) in which battles were prohibited in the days of the Holy Prophet. It is also a prelude to the month of Ramaḍān, because Ramaḍān follows it after the intervening month of Sha'bān. Therefore, when the Holy Prophet sighted the moon of Rajab, he used to pray to Allāh in the following words:
“O Allāh, make the months of Rajab and Sha'bān blessed for us, and let us reach the month of Ramaḍān (i.e. prolong our life up to Ramaḍān, so that we may benefit from its merits and blessings).”
Yet no specific way of worship has been prescribed by the Sharī'ah in this month. However, some people have invented some special rituals or practices in this month, which are not supported by reliable resources of the Sharī'ah or are based on some unauthentic traditions. We would like to explain here the correct position about them.
1. Celebration of Lailatul Mi'raj
It is generally believed that the great event of Mi'raj (ascension of the Holy Prophet to the heavens) took place in the night of 27th of Rajab. Therefore, some people celebrate the night as “Lailatul- Mi'raj” (the night of ascension to heavens).
Indeed, the event of Mi'raj was one of the most remarkable episodes in the life of our beloved Holy Prophet. He was called by Almighty Allāh. He traveled from Makkah to Baitul-Maqdis and from there he ascended the heavens through the miraculous power of Allāh. He was honored with a direct contact with his Creator at a place where even the angels had no access. This was the unique honor conferred by Allāh to the Holy Prophet alone. It was the climax of the spiritual progress which is not attained by anybody except him. No doubt the night in which he was blessed with this unparalleled honor was one of the greatest nights in the history of this world.
But, Islām has its own principles with regard to the historic and religious events. Its approach about observing festivals and celebrating days and nights is totally different from the approach of other religions. The Holy Qurʾān and the Sunnah of the Holy Prophet did not prescribe any festival or any celebration to commemorate an event from the past, however remarkable it might have been. Instead, Islām has prescribed two annual celebrations only. One is 'Īd al-Fiṭr and the other is 'Īd al-Aḍḥa. Both of these festivals have been fixed at a date on which the Muslims accomplish a great 'ibādah (worship) every year. 'Īd al-Fiṭr has been prescribed after the fasts of Ramaḍān, while Eid-ul-Adha has been fixed when the Muslims perform the Hajj annually. None of these two 'Īd's is designed to commemorate a particular event of the past which has happened in these dates. This approach is indicative of the fact that the real occasion for a happy celebration is the day in which the celebrators themselves have accomplished remarkable work through their own active effort. As for the accomplishments of our ancestors, their commemoration should not be restricted to a particular day or night. Instead, their accomplishments must be remembered every day in the practical life by observing their teachings and following the great examples they have set for us.
Keeping this principle in view, the following points should be remembered with regard to the “Lailatul-Mi'raj”:
(1) We cannot say with absolute certainty in which night the great event of Mi'raj took place. Although some traditions relate this event to 27th night of the month of Rajab, yet there are other traditions that suggest other dates. Al-Zurqani, the famous biographer of the Holy Prophet has referred to five different views in this respect: Rabī' al-Awwal, Rabī' al-Thāni, Rajab, Ramaḍān and Shawwāl. Later, while discussing different traditions, he has added a sixth opinion, that the Mi'raj took place in the month of Dhu'l-Ḥijjah.Allama Abdulhaq Muhaddith Dehlawi, the well-known scholar of the Indian subcontinent, has written a detailed book on the merits of Islāmic months. While discussing the 'Lailatul-Mi'raj' has mentioned that most of the scholars are of the view that the event of Mi'raj took place in the month of Ramaḍān or in Rabī' al-Awwal.
(2) It is also not known in which year the event of Mi'raj took place. The books of history suggest a wide range between the fifth-year and the twelfth year after the Holy Prophet was entrusted with prophethood.
Now, if it is assumed that the event of Mi'raj took place in the fifth year of his prophethood, it will mean that the Holy Prophet remained in this world for eighteen years after this event. Even if it is presumed that the Mi'raj took place in the twelfth year of his prophethood, his remaining life-time after this event would be eleven years. Throughout this long period, which may range between eleven years and eighteen years, the Holy Prophet never celebrated the event of Mi'raj, nor did he give any instruction about it. No one can prove that the Holy Prophet ever performed some specific modes of worship in a night calling it the 'Lailatul-Mi'raj' or advised his followers to commemorate the event in a particular manner.
(3) After the demise of the Holy Prophet also, no one of his companions is reported to celebrate this night as a night of special acts of worship. They were the true devotees of the Holy Prophet and had devoted their lives to preserve every minute detail of the Sunnah of the Holy Prophet and other Islāmic teachings. Still, they did not celebrate the event of Mi'raj in a particular night in a particular way.
All these points go a long way to prove that the celebration of the 27th night of Rajab, being the Lailatul-Mi'raj has no basis in the Sunnah of the Holy Prophet or in the practice of his noble companions. Had it been a commendable practice to celebrate this night, the exact date of this event would have been preserved accurately by the Ummah and the Holy Prophet and his blessed companions would have given specific directions for it.
Therefore, it is not a Sunnah to celebrate the Lailatul-Mi'raj. We cannot declare any practice as a Sunnah unless it is established through authentic sources that the Holy Prophet or is noble Companions have recognized it as such, otherwise it may become a bid'ah about which the Holy Prophet has observed in the following words: “Whoever invents something in our religion which is not a part of it, it is to be rejected.”
Being mindful of this serious warning, we should appreciate that the 27th night of the month of Rajab is not like 'Lailatul-qadr' or 'Lailatul-bara'ah' for which special merits have been mentioned expressly either in the Holy Qurʾān or by the Holy Prophet .
However, all the recognized modes of 'ibādah (worship) like salāt, recitation of the Holy Qurʾān , dhikr, etc. are commendable any time, especially in the late hours of night, and obviously the 27th night of Rajab is not an exception. Therefore, if someone performs any recognized 'ibādah in this night from this point of view nothing can stop him from doing so, and he will be entitled to the thawab (reward allocated for that recognized 'ibādah insha-Allāh.) But it is not permissible to believe that performing 'ibādah in this night is more meritorious or carries more thawab like 'Lailatul-qadr' or 'Lailatul-bara'ah', because this belief is not based on any authentic verse or on a Sunnah of the Holy Prophet. Similarly, it is not a correct practice to celebrate this night collectively and to invite people to special ritual congregations.
(4) Some people suggest some special modes of worship to be performed in this night. Since no special mode of worship is prescribed by the Sharī'ah in this night, these suggestions are devoid of any authority and should not be acted upon.
It is believed by some that the Muslims should keep fast on 27th of Rajab. Although there are some traditions attributing special merits to the fast of this day yet the scholars of ḥadīth have held these traditions as very weak and unauthentic reports, which cannot be sufficient to establish a rule of Sharī'ah. On the contrary, there is an authentic report that Sayyidna 'Umar, raḍyAllāhu 'anhu, used to forbid people from fasting on this day, rather to compel them to eat if they had started fasting.
It should be borne in mind here that a “nafl” fast can be observed any day (except the six prohibited days of the year); therefore, fasting on 27th of Rajab is not prohibited in itself. What is prohibited is the belief that fasting on this day is more meritorious than fasting in other normal days. One should not fast in this day with this belief. But if someone fasts therein, believing it to be a normal nafl fast, there is no bar against it.
Sacrifice (qurbani) in the Month of Rajab
In the days of ignorance (jahiliyyah) the Arabs used to offer the sacrifice of a goat in the month of Rajab. This sacrifice used to be called “Atirah' or 'Rajabiyyah'. This sacrifice was offered in the name of different so-called gods and their icons. In the beginning of Islām, this custom was retained, but the Muslims modified it by offering the sacrifice of 'Atirah in the name of Allāh instead of the false gods. But finally, this custom was abandoned and the Holy Prophet prohibited the offering of 'Atirah. In a tradition of Sayyidna Abu Hurayrah , raḍyAllāhu 'anhu, reported by both al-Bukhāri and Muslim, the Holy Prophet has said: “Fara' is nothing and 'Atirah is nothing.”Abu Hurayrah , raḍyAllāhu 'anhu, has explained in the same tradition that 'Fara” was the first child of a she-camel. Whenever a she-camel delivered its first child, the Arabs used to sacrifice it in the name of their so-called gods, while the 'Atirah' was a goat used to be sacrificed in the month of Rajab. Since the Holy Prophet stopped both these customs, 'Atirah is no longer a recognized practice.
'Umrah in the Month of Rajab
Ibn 'Abidin, the well-known scholar of the Islāmic jurisprudence, has mentioned that the people of Makkah (in his days) used to perform 'umrah in the month of Rajab. Perhaps they believed that performing 'umrah in this month is more meritorious than in other months. Then Ibn Abidin himself has rejected the authenticity of this practice, because no tradition of the Holy Prophet is found to this effect. Conversely Sayyidah 'Aishah, radyAllāhu anha, has expressly negated the presumption by saying that the Holy Prophet never performed an 'umrah in the month of Rajab (Sahih Muslim 1:409)However, Ibn 'Aibidin has quoted a narration that 'Abdullah ibn Zubair, raḍyAllāhu 'anhu, completed the renovation of Ka'bah shortly before 27th of Rajab, and as a sign of gratefulness he performed 'umrah and slaughtered some animals. But this report cannot form the basis of a recognized annual practice, firstly because the report is not very authentic, and secondly because it does not mention that Abdullah ibn Zubair, raḍyAllāhu 'anhu, had adopted it as a continuing practice. At the most, he performed 'umrah once as a sign of gratefulness on the completion of Ka'bah. It does not mean that he performed it as a characteristic of the month of Rajab. Therefore, performing 'Umrah in this month is like performing it in any other month and no special merit can be attached to it merely because it has been performed in the month of Rajab.
The Ṣalāt of “Ragha'ib”
Another special mode of worship attributed by some people to this month is the Ṣalāt of Raghai'b. According to the custom of such people, this Ṣalāt is performed in the night of first Friday of the month of Eajab. The Ṣalāt of Raghaib is said to consist of twelve rak'ats to be performed in pairs with six salams, and in each rak'at the surah al-qadr is recited three times followed by the Surah-al-ikhlas. This type of Ṣalāt is also not based on any sound source of Sharī'ah. Therefore, almost all the jurists and scholars of Sharī'ah have held that the Ṣalāt of Raghaib is a baseless practice and it is not permissible to treat it as a recognized practice of this month. It is true that there is a tradition, narrated by Razin, the author of a book of ḥadīth, which attributes the origin of this practice to the Holy Prophet but almost all the scholars of the science of ḥadīth have held it to be absolutely unauthentic. Therefore, no importance can be attached to it.Distribution of Breads
Another baseless practice in the month of Rajab is that the people bake special types of breads and, after reciting some verses and prayers on them, distribute them among their friends and neighbors. This custom has two different shapes.1). In some communities, this custom is celebrated on 17th of Rajab on the assumption that Sayyidna Ali, raḍyAllāhu 'anhu, was born on 11th of Rajab and the 17th of Rajab is the day on which his 'Aqiqa (Shaving of his head) was performed. In order to celebrate this happy event, the breads of some special type are prepared and after reciting Surah Al-Mulk on them, they are distributed among the relatives and friends. These breads are generally called “breads of Tabarak” because Surah Al-Mulk is usually recited on them.
This practice is baseless because it is never proved that Sayyidna Ali, raḍyAllāhu 'anhu, was born on 11th of Rajab or that his Aqiqa was performed on 17th of this month and, as explained earlier, even if these events are proved to have happened in those days, their commemoration through these specific rituals is not warranted by the Sharī'ah.
2). A more common practice of this type is observed on 22nd of Rajab whereby some breads and meals of a special type are prepared and distributed among the people. Since these special meals are usually placed in some bowls made of clay, the custom is usually known as “Koonda”, an Urdu equivalent of such bowls. It is usually believed that the custom is designed to make 'isal-al-thawab to the soul of Sayyidna Jafar Al-Sadiq who himself has directed his followers to observe this custom and has promised them that whoever observes it, his desires will be fulfilled.
All these assumptions also have no basis at all, neither historically, nor according to the principles of Sharī'ah. In fact, the date of 22nd of Rajab has no concern whatsoever with Sayyidna Jafar al-Sadiq, Rahimah-u-Allāh. According to the historians, he was born on 8th of Ramaḍān 80 A.H. and died in Shawwāl 148 A.H. No specific event of the life of Sayyidna Jafar al-Sadiq is proved to have happened on this date. The people believing in the custom refer to a coined story mentioned in an unauthentic book named “Dastaan-e-Ajeeb”.
Briefly stated, the gist of the story is that a poor woodcutter lived in Madīnah in the days of Jafar Al-Sadiq. He went abroad to earn his livelihood. His wife was employed in the house of the Prime Minister. Once she was cleaning the courtyard of the Prime Minister when Sayyidna Jafar al-Sadiq passed by her. It was 22nd of Rajab. He advised her to bake some breads of a special type and make 'isal-al-sawab to him. According to this story, he promised her that if her desire is not fulfilled after this practice, she can catch hold of him at the doom's day. On hearing this, the woman made a vow that if her husband will come back with a considerable wealth, she will observe the custom of “Koonda”. On the same day her husband, who was in another country, found a valuable treasure in the earth and came back with it to Madīnah where he established himself as a rich man and started living in a magnificent castle. When his wife told the story to the wife of the Prime Minister, she disbelieved her and because of this disbelief, she and her husband, the Prime Minister, were punished by Allāh. He was removed by the king from the prime minister-ship and was imprisoned in a jail and was ordered to be hanged. While being in the prison, the wife of the Prime Minister remembered that she had disbelieved the story of Jafar al-Sadiq told to her by her maidservant and their misery might be the punishment of their disbelief. On this point, she and her husband repented before Allāh and made a vow to observe the custom of “Koonda”, if they are released from the jail. After they made such a vow, the whole scenario of the events changed suddenly. The king released the Prime Minister from the jail and reinstated him on his former position.
As it can be seen by any reasonable person, this story is totally forged on the face of it. The person who has coined this story did not even know that Madīnah had never a king nor a Prime Minister. All the Muslim rulers were named as caliphs and had no Prime Minister at all. In the days of Umayyads, their capital was Damascus and in the days of Abbasids, their permanent seat was in Baghdad.
It is ironical that the story of such a woodcutter is not even known to anybody in Madīnah, nor in any city of the Arab countries. No Arabic book has ever referred to it. It has no mention except in an Urdu book 'Dastaan-e-Ajeeb', the author of which is unknown. One can easily see that a custom based on such a fallacious and mythical story can never be an Islāmic custom. Islām has always been far away from such superstitions.
Therefore, this baseless custom should completely be avoided by the true Muslims. Some historians have opined that in fact, this custom has been coined by some Shi'ites because the date of 22nd of Rajab is the date of the demise of Sayyidna Mu'awiyah whom they take as their biggest enemy. They took that date as a happy occasion and made the Sunni Muslims also to celebrate it on the pretext of the above mentioned story.
Be that as it may, it is evident that such customs have crept into the Muslim society by their long association with Hindus who commemorate different historical events of their religion in the like manner. The Muslims must be careful about these customs, because they are not only an invention of ignorance but also the imitation of non-Muslims in their religious rituals. No doubt the “'isal-al-thawab' to the soul of a deceased Muslim, and particularly to a pious person is not only permissible but also a commendable practice but the Sharī'ah has not prescribed a particular date, nor a particular mode to do so. If someone wants to make “'isal-al-thawab” to Sayyidna 'Ali, raḍyAllāhu 'anhu, or to Ja'far al-Sadiq, he can do it any day and by performing any act of worship, like Ṣalāt, fast, Sadaqah, dhikr etc. There is no reason why it should be restricted to a special type of meal or bread distributed on a particular date. What makes this practice worse is the fact that the people accustomed to this practice deem it as necessary as a fard (obligation); rather they treat it as more necessary than fard because they do not care to perform the obligatory Ṣalāt or to fulfill the rights of men obligated on them, but they are very strict and punctual to perform these activities. Moreover, if a person does not observe this practice, they reproach him and call him with bad names. Such behavior makes this custom a bid'ah which is condemned by the Holy Prophet as a misguidance. Therefore, the Muslims must abandon all such practices and should not cling to it only because it has been the practice of their society for many years. A Muslim is supposed to follow the dictates of Sharī'ah and not the practice of the society, if it violates any of its principles.
Conclusion
The upshot of the above discussion is that the Sharī'ah has not prescribed any specific way to observe the month of Rajab or to perform a specific mode of worship or a ritual in any one of its dates. However, being a prologue to the month of Ramaḍān, it should be availed of for preparing oneself for Ramaḍān and one should pray Allāh to make him reach the blessed month and to benefit from its unique merits.http://muslimmatters.org/2012/05/24/the-month-of-rajab-2/
Schoolkids sit their exams, then flee gunfire for Rwanda refugee camp
May 18, 2012 -- Updated 1518 GMT (2318 HKT)
Congolese refugees stream into Rwanda
STORY HIGHLIGHTS
- Refugees flee Fighting between Congolese government and rebel loyalists
- Rwanda refugee camp was unprepared to deal with the numbers of people arriving
- People are sleeping on floors as workers try to build more quarters
- Fighting started after Congo government began a hunt for a former rebel leader
Tumsifu and her family stuck it out until she finished the exams. Then they fled.
They followed thousands
of others making their way from their homes in North Kivu in the
Democratic Republic of Congo into the Nkamirah Transit Camp across the
border in Rwanda.
After three years of
fragile peace, the government of Joseph Kabila last month announced its
intention to capture Bosco Ntaganda, a notorious warlord who calls
himself "the terminator" and has been charged by the International
Criminal Court with war crimes including the slaughter of civilians.
Ntaganda had agreed to
allow forces of his National Congress for the Defence of the People
(CNDP) to be absorbed into the national army -- a deal Kabila called a
"linchpin" for restoring stability that quickly fell apart.
Struggling for survival in South Sudan
Thousands of Ntaganda's fighters defected and then began clashing with the army to thwart the hunt for Ntaganda.
Tens of thousands of
civilians were forced to leave their homes as their towns became
warzones. Some fled to Goma in North Kivu, some to Uganda and some to
Nkamirah.
Anouck Bronee, representing several U.N. agencies working on this emergency, said the influx was felt almost instantly.
"It started on April 27. From the Friday evening we went from 50 to 190 to 2,000 within three days."
Aid agencies have tried to make life for the refugees as comfortable as possible but the center is already over capacity.
"The first challenge
that we had to contend with was shelter. The transit center could
accommodate a maximum of 2,600 individuals. We've had to do a lot of
rehabilitation and reconstruction as well as rehabilitation of
additional structures that weren't part of the center," Bronee added.
Anouck Bronee showed us an old milk factory where some of the new
arrivals had been housed. Dusty and soot covered, some families had even
set up home inside the rusting machinery.
Nima Elbagir
Nima Elbagir
Bronee showed us an old
milk factory where some of the new arrivals had been housed. Dusty and
soot covered, some families had even set up home inside the rusting
machinery.
It's far from ideal but at least it is shelter from the lashing rain.
And the refugees keep coming.
It's not just the
violence they are fleeing. Young men here told CNN that Congolese army
soldiers had attempted to forcibly recruit them.
Samuel Nsanzamahoro said
that when the battles started coming closer to his home town of
Gicanja, soldiers began picking up young men and girls at random,
accusing them of being army defectors.
"They were taken by force," he said. "Young men and especially young girls."
Samuel is 22, but many
others we spoke to were much younger. Out of fear for their security
they declined to be identified or directly quoted.
Samuel said he's not
afraid of fighting in the government ranks but he does fear the abuses
such recruits are subjected to. He did not elbaorate
Congolese military and
government officials could not be reached for comment, but in the past
have denied accusations of forcibly recruiting civilians.
Bronee said the Rwandan
government has identified a site in the south of the country where it
hopes to move the refugees as soon as a new camp is readied, but as the
violence continues many worry the growing refugee numbers will create a
serious burden for Congo's neighbors.
Rwanda already hosts
nearly 60,000 refugees, many a legacy of the last time Ntaganda and his
forces clashed with government forces.
The 1998-2003 war in
Congo is sometimes called Africa's World War as fighting and refugees
crossed borders, destabilizing the region.
So it's no wonder this new violence is worrying its neighbors.
More worrying still is the fate of the thousands the U.N. says are trapped inside the Congo, unable to escape the violence.
As difficult as conditions are in the Nkamirah camp, at least they feel safe.
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Angel Hair Pasta with Shrimp and Lemon Cream Sauce
Simply Recipes
Some recipes are just so good I can't
wait to share them with you, and this is one of them. It's simple.
Just peeled shrimp, cooked just through in a sauce of cream and lemon
juice, and tossed with herbs, angel hair pasta, and some freshly grated
Parmesan cheese. My dad was over when we were making it and kept
looking up from his bowl saying, "oh, this is a good one." I've been
poking into the fridge all afternoon sneaking more tastes from the
leftovers, a small bowl of just a couple bites reheated in the
microwave.
For those of you
tempted to leave out the cream, yes, you can do that if you want. I've
tried it without the cream and in my opinion, it's not nearly as good.
Personally I would just eat a smaller portion. Because of the cream it's
more filling and you don't need as much pasta for a serving.
Angel Hair Pasta with Shrimp and Lemon Cream Sauce Recipe
- 15 minutes
- 15 minutes
We used medium shrimp (41-50 per pound) for this recipe, but
little cocktail shrimp would also work. Use heavy whipping cream to
avoid curdling when mixed and heated with the lemon juice.
Ingredients
- 3/4 cup heavy whipping cream
- 1/4 cup chicken stock
- 3 Tbsp lemon juice
- 3/4 pound angel hair pasta (also called capellini)
- Salt and black pepper
- 1 pound raw medium shrimp, peeled and deveined*
- 1/2 cup (loosely packed) chopped parsley
- 1/4 cup (loosely packed) chopped chives
- Zest of a lemon
- 1/2 cup freshly grated parmesan cheese
Method
1 Bring a large pot of salted water to a boil.2 In a smaller pot, heat the cream, chicken stock and lemon juice to a low simmer. Simmer gently for 5 minutes.
3 Add the angel hair pasta to the boiling water.
4 Add the shrimp to the simmering lemon cream sauce. Stir well and add a pinch of salt and black pepper. The shrimp should cook in about the same time as the angel hair pasta, about 4 to 5 minutes.
5 When the pasta is done, drain and put it in a large bowl. Add the herbs to the simmering lemon cream sauce and let them cook for about 1 minute. Pour the shrimp and lemon sauce into the pasta bowl and mix well. Add the lemon zest and most of the parmesan and mix again. Divide into servings, and top with the remaining parmesan.
Note, if the resulting mixture seems to dry, just add a little water or cream. If it seems to wet, don't worry, the pasta will absorb the sauce.
Yield: Serves 4.
6 Reasons NOT To Join Shabaab: Courtesy Omar Hammami
Selected Wisdom
If you are a young American male considering joining a foreign terrorist organization in general and al-Shabaab in Somalia in particular, I highly recommend you to read Omar Hammami’s autobiography (available on the Internet, but not yet on Kindle). Unfortunately for Hammami, he arrived in Somalia before the release of al Qaeda’s (Mis) Adventures in Horn of Africa. Had he waited until after the summer of 2007, Hammami could have read al Qaeda’s primary source documents from 1992-1994 and diverted his plan. Al Qaeda’s internal documents ’92-’94 read just like Hammami’s bio from 2012 – tales of suffering, betrayal and defeat. (For some highlights from the 90’s AQ documents, see this post) The irony is that Bin Laden learned from these Somalia pitfalls of the 90’s and I’m certain they influenced his decision to block a Shabaab-AQ merger as debated in this new Abottabad document released this month. (See SOCOM-2012-0000006-HT)
In follow up to yesterday’s post on Fazul-Hammami connections, I present 6 reasons for why joining al-Shabaab or any extremist group in Somalia appears to be a particularly bad idea; above the obvious point that joining a terrorist group in general is never a good idea. So here it goes:
#1 – Betrayal
This reason more than any other should be the biggest deterrent for those considering joining al-Shabaab. If malaria, dehydration, starvation, rival clans or foreign armies don’t kill you, other members of Shabaab will. I hypothesized a couple months back about 3 or 4 scenarios describing why Hammami was in a particularly precarious place in Somalia. The crux of my theory: certain elements inside Shabaab were/are killing off other members of Shabaab and al Qaeda. Well, his bio doesn’t disappoint in this regard. Starting on page 79, Hammami describes how Shabaab fighters routinely betray each other:
It was during this short stay that we met up with Abu Cabdallaah as-Sudaani (Ciise Cusman Ciise), and a few other Muhaajirs. Cabdul Qaadir Komandos also joined our group at this stage. Abu Cabdallaah had almost died of Malaria and he wouldn’t take on a leadership position for quite a while. He did, however, come with news that our previous Amiir had been martyred in a very strange incident; leaving him the natural successor. Of course I don’t blame Abu Cabdallaah for his death. But the story along with the picture on his camera phone showing that the bullet was aimed precisely for Abu Talxah’s heart makes me want to lay the blame on someone other than the Kuffaar.The reason for this is the fact that there were multiple groups of Muhaajiriin and leaders in the area of Lekta during the time of Abu Talxah’s death and none of them were attacked by the Ethiopians until quite a while after the fateful shots rang out. In addition to that tid bit it was also said that he was called to have a meeting with some of the other leaders and he went accompanied by one of his lieutenants (while both of them were only armed with pistols). Minutes later shots could be heard and his lieutenant returned unscratched. He allegedly fought off the Ethiopians single handedly with his pistol while Abu Talxah, on the other hand, was shot square in the heart.That lieutenant was later martyred trying to defend the wives of the Muhaajiriin (Abu Talxah’s included) on the Kenyan border. Once again, he was trying to fend off the Kenyan soldiers with only his pistol. That time, however, he was hit and martyred. No one till this day really knows the true story about his death, but there were definitely plausible motives amongst some of the other groups who didn’t take kindly to Abu Talxah’s insistence upon starting a new group in Kismaayu under the spiritual “leadership” of Xasan Turky.
So foreign fighters, when you get to Somalia, look around, one of the people standing next to you is quite likely to be your killer.
#2 – Clan Infighting
Hammami’s group, on the way to fight foreign forces, routinely encounters other clans they must fight or dissuade to get to their primary enemy. The original AQ documents from ’92-’94 continuously discuss how clan infighting derailed AQ operatives intentions (AFGP-2002-800640, pg 20ish, think the quote is Abu Hafs, something like “Tribalism, nasty tribalism, leave it [Somalia]“). Here’s a truck conundrum where fighting occurred with the Mooryaan.
It turns out that another truck full of Mooryaan came up to us and they shot out our radiator. In response, the brother in the passenger side of our truck shot out the brains of their driver! That was what led the Mooryaan to flee. Instead of chasing them, the brothers started trying to figure out which truck to board now that ours was in need of a radiator.
Later, Hammami notes how he wishes Axmad Madobe would have been killed as he later switches sides.
But before we actually set off we were awakening one night before dawn by the sounds of a million bullets trying to leave the barrel of one gun in about half a second, at regular pulses for a good minute or so. Later on we realized that we were close to Kolbiyo where Axmad Madobe and his crew were being blitzed from the sky. I heard that Abu Muxammad’s boy, Muxammad, was there and that only he (by virtue of running into the forest) and Axmad Madobe survived. In hindsight, it would have been better for Axmad Madobe to have died instead of coming back just to join the Kenyans in attacking Somaalia.
#3 – Water and Food
For Hammami’s crew, there’s either too much water or not enough. When traveling, their trucks inevitably get stuck in feet of mud. Even when they do find water, the source is fraught with competition from wild animals, rival clans or foreign armies. See pg. 74-75 for an interesting description as it appears that firefights in Southern Somalia are most likely to occur around watering holes as it brings everyone to a central point.
This water source as it turned out happened to be one used frequently by the Kenyan army.
Hammami and fellow fighters constantly fought for food to continue to survive.
There was also the time in which we sent a man off to come back with news and it seems that instead of bringing us the money and provisions he only brought us a small portion and kept the rest for himself.
#4 – It’s HOT!
For some reason, Hammami didn’t consider how hot Somalia is until he got there.
It was just as well anyway because the sun in Somaalia happens to be a few thousand light years closer to the earth’s surface than any other country. Any attempt to leave the little cover and shade the tiny trees can afford leads to an immediate heat stroke.
#5 – Going to the bathroom is difficult
Maybe the funniest revelation of Hammami’s bio, how difficult it is to go to the bathroom when you are dehydrated, malnourished and under constant military pressure from the land and air. This passage speaks for itself. P. 72
By this time everyone was complaining of strange slime in their stool and I don’t believe anyone was anywhere close to ‘regular.’ The trouble with using the bathroom was ten fold. There was the problem of finding a plastic bottle that was not currently in use at the moment, then there was the problem of lugging your hundred pound gun around while trying to fill that bottle up without falling in or getting your gun unnecessarily wet. We must remember now that the Bedouins and planes are still marauding about. After these tasks are completed it becomes necessary to find a place that is not inhabited by human or animal, that is not currently being used as a bathroom, that can not be stumbled upon by anyone while you’re in your comfort zone, and finally a place that is not too far to cause yourself to become lost or the unknown victim of some tragedy that people never came to know of. If you finally reach that place without loosing an eye from the thorns you may then use the bathroom while clutching your gun in the event that a wild animal or enemy approaches. After all is well and done it is finally time to retrace your steps and eventually return to your place of languishing under the trees until the next round.
#5 – Mosquitos!
What’s the number one killer of Shabaab members? The same as all Africans – malaria. Not only does Hammami repeatedly describe being eaten by mosquitos, he details how many of his comrades continue to expire from the disease. P. 77
that place of ours was cleared out once Jacfar Dheere breathed his last. He had been hanging in despite all odds for a long time but each day he had become weaker and weaker. He had to be carried to the bathroom, he had to be forced to eat or drink, which he normally vomited up, and he was in a generally wretched situation.
#6 – Transportation
Moving from place to place seems nearly impossible for Shabaab. Hammami’s bio discusses trucks maybe more than anything. Hammami’s band is always 1) searching for trucks, 2) riding in trucks to unknown locations, 3) getting trucks stuck in the mud and 4) quarreling with others over the ownership or movement of trucks. I literally laughed out loud as one of the funniest excerpts of the original AQ documents ’92-’94 describes how Sufis (Called “Big Hairs” in the documents, see AFGP-2002-600104- Author Saif al-Islam, p. 21ish) steal their truck “and how upset they were but they will go get it back”. Hammami’s group cannot ever seem to get where they want to go. Here’s a funny transportation excerpt from Hammami p.69:
One Somaali brother, who looked as though he was new to the matter of practicing his religion, decided to take my seat by force. When I objected, along with a few other brothers, he pretended not to hear anything. Finally, I got off the truck and asked for my bag. Everyone refused to sit up to give me my bag because they too feared losing their positions. Eventually Axmad Madobe climbed out of the truck and asked me nicely to get back on the truck. I explained to him the situation but he just coaxed me into leaving the whole matter.
I could probably come up with 100 reasons from this document, but I’ll stop here for now. Interested to hear how Hammami’s debacle shakes out…..
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